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U.S. Muslims in politics

America could have elected its first Muslim Congressman as far back as 1898 if Mohammed Alexander Russel Webb had not deferred his run in favor of another fellow Democrat, William Hughes, for a New Jersey seat.

Russel, a former journalist, embraced Islam in 1888 during his service tenure as U.S. consul general in the Philippines. He was amongst the Muslim pioneers who started the Daawah in the United States in the late 18th century.

Very few amongst America’s seven million Muslims admire this great American journalist, diplomat, and entrepreneur who dedicated the latter part of his life to the spread of Islam in this part of the world. Russel, who remained honorary consul general of the Ottomon Empire in New York in 1901, was also amongst the pioneering Muslim politicians who set a personal example for his co-religionists to shun their lax attitude towards mainstream American politics.

Like many Muslims, Russel did not escape the fire of a hostile media. He was subject of The New York Times front-page headlines in 1893 after he established American Mission and Muslim World Press in Manhattan, New York City. However, the media’s pointed criticism did not deter Russel from doing his pioneering work.

One hundred and ten years after Russel refused the Democratic Party’s ticket to the U.S. Congress, America’s fledgling Muslim population is once again at a crossroads. Unlike Russel, Muslims today cannot afford to miss yet another opportunity to enlist themselves as political players and not just spectators. Their increasing population and influence are bringing along monetary dividends but few political payoffs.

The U.S. Congress today does have the country’s first Muslim member. Keith Ellison won a closely watched Minneapolis, Minnesota, election in 2006 on a Democratic Party ticket and became the country’s first Muslim Congressman. But Muslims seem less inclined to increase their tally in the U.S. legislature. Individual efforts like Keith Ellison’s could still bear fruit as has so far been the norm.

Many critics of American Muslims say their leadership has failed to capitalize on their position. This criticism doesn’t seem misplaced as a single-member representation of seven million Muslims in the U.S. Congress is no match to other communities.

Six million plus American Jews have 43 members in the Congress. 13 members of the U.S. Senate are Jewish (two Republicans, nine Democrats, two Independents) while 30 are members of the U.S. House of Representatives (one Republican and 29 Democrats).

Muslims are hard to find in state legislatures as well. Even Indian Americans, whose population is well over two million, have a governor (Boby Jindal of Louisiana).

The presence of anti-Muslim biases and prejudices, especially after the 9/11 terrorist attacks, cannot be discounted nor can the melancholy that engulfed the community in the face of a backlash. But there is little evidence either to suggest that Muslims are being discouraged or shunted out of mainstream politics by the state or the major political parties. Instead, lethargy, indifference, and a tendency to be self-centered and focused on their respective communities – all seems to have added to their political weakness. They are too enmeshed in community politics of different colors and shades. Their voice as a united effort is rarely heard, barring the annual conventions of big groups like Islamic Circle of North America (ICNA) and Islamic Society of North America (ISNA).

Traditionally, American Muslims have been making half-hearted attempts to make their presence felt on the political scene. Their numerical strength in states such as New York, Michigan, California, Texas, and Illinois has failed to translate into any meaningful political gains. Muslims seem far from being organized enough to appeal to the mainstream political parties for serious business.

They adopted a proactive approach in the 2000 presidential election when several major Muslim organizations made two basic decisions – called on the Muslims to vote en bloc and endorsed George W Bush.

In 2004 again, the Muslim leadership lobbied within communities across the country for an en bloc Muslim vote; however, divisions and inefficient organization failed them again and kept them political have-nots and less visible.

They also established American Muslim Task Force for Civil Rights and Election 2004, an umbrella organization of 10 major groups. That strategy got limited media attention but hardly left any imprint on the election itself.

Now that America’s next presidential election is just 10 months away, Muslim organizations are hardly geared for Decision 2008. With a few exceptions, such as Council on American Islamic Relations (CAIR), none are seen well positioned to put Muslims on a political trajectory that could lend them voice in America’s decision-making.

CAIR, an advocacy group, deserves credit for showing consistency in public advocacy and political tutoring. Its strategy of frequently releasing opinion polls about American Muslim voters is also very successful and getting wide media attention. However, leadership remains the Muslims’ weakest plank. So far, American Muslims hardly have any national political leadership that can truly claim a following across community lines. Thus, lack of leadership and effective organization, both weaknesses of their own making, are denying American Muslims their rightful place on the country’s diverse political landscape.

This negative tendency is afflicting Muslims from national to community level. Amongst Pakistanis, for example, upstart and self-proclaimed community leaders seem to be more obsessed with politics in Pakistan than in their adopted country. Little wonder, while Pakistani satellite channels flash advertisements from community groups demanding representation for Pakistani Americans in the parliament in Islamabad, none finds it necessary to urge the community to go out, vote and be counted in America. Pakistani Americans, thus, are as weak and divided as the Muslims at large. The joke after Saghir Tahir’s election to the New Hampshire State Assembly in 2000 still reverberates and reflects on the dark side of a divided community. The joke about Saghir “Saggy” Tahir goes like this: “Saggy won the election because there was no Pakistani in his constituency.”

But seriously, America needs many more “Saggies” for only they seem to be the lone hope of American Muslims who are still trying to be counted. It is not important that they will succeed or not. What is important is their effort. Theodore Roosevelt aptly describes this passion in these words: “It’s hard to fail but it is worse never to have tried to succeed.”

 

In Editorials section of Edition 311: 5 March 2008

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